The phrase ‘the Irish question’ perfectly encapsulates the UK’s and, in particular, Brexiteers’ attitudes towards Ireland. Ireland is a problem. It is a problem that is ignored at first, then batted away flippantly, only to come back as a major thorn in the UK’s side. The Irish question was not settled when Ireland was subsumed into the UK through the Acts of Union in 1800. It was not settled by the doomed Home Rule Act of 1914, and it certainly was not settled when Ireland was partitioned in 1921. If there is one thing, therefore, that is certain about Ireland’s relationship with the UK, it is that Ireland has always been a problem.
The Irish question was also not settled by Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in 1998 either; however, this was the very point. The GFA was all about parking the big questions to one side. It was all about ambiguity. It was about allowing the people of Northern Ireland to be Irish or British, or both, or Northern Irish. It was about reassuring unionists that Northern Ireland remained an integral part of the United Kingdom while, at the same time, establishing a path to a united Ireland that would be decided only by the people of Ireland.
The key to the GFA is that ultimately it is a utopian document. It is an expression of two competing promised lands: one of a united Ireland; and one of Northern Ireland’s future secure in the UK. What allows these two competing visions to survive is the same for all utopias: that their realisation is left for the future. It is something to be built towards. A united Ireland is something that can be achieved through peaceful democratic means enshrined by the GFA; simultaneously, peace in Northern Ireland can secure Irish nationalist acquiescence to the status quo, thus preserving the union. Similarly, like all good utopias, there is no set date for achieving this; utopian visions must be attainable but, at the same time, always just out of reach.
www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/brexit-irish-border_uk_5ab3ed3ee4b0bf1a4e3e045d