Universal Credit and breakdown of stats

We seem to touch quite a lot on welfare, with some perhaps not completing understanding exactly how this most recent welfare payment works.

Prior to UC there were several different legacy benefits, many of which have been replaced with one monthly paid benefit, by the Conservative Party.

The replaced benefits include, but are not limited to;

Jobseekers Allowance, (JSA), payable to those meeting the criteria of paying in enough NI for the previous two tax years, now unemployed, and a further JSA stream for those who’ve not paid in enough NI.

Income Support, primarily paid to single parents with children, initially children under 12, but child age gradually reduced to 5 then 3 years old.

Incapacity benefit, then ESA, payable to those unable to work temporarily or permanently due to temporary illness or accident, or permanent medical condition, or disability or those born with life long conditions such as Down’s syndrome.

Housing Benefit, contributions given to those privately renting or in social housing who either due to being unemployed or very low pay, meet the criteria to have some level of help. The amount of help is based on how income and the local housing allowance, in the borough.

Tax Credits, additional payments made to low paid workers, normally with children.

All of the above, and a few other non-mainstream benefits were rolled together under the auspices of Universal Credit.

In addition, the 16 hours a week rule was scrapped.

Those working and still meeting the criteria for top ups, have these top ups based on income not hours. It’s also a tapering system.

Finally, the two child cap was applied to Universal Credit, not Child Benefit. Child Benefit is not a part of Universal Credit.

Latest government statistics shown below;

*• 3.1 million people on Universal Credit in the UK are in paid work (PAYE employment, self-employment, or both), according to the latest Department for Work and Pensions data.

• 37.7% to 37.8% of the total Universal Credit caseload is in any form of employment.

• 8.4 million people in total are claiming Universal Credit, meaning roughly 5.3 million claimants are not in paid work (including those with no work requirements, such as sickness, disability, or caring responsibilities)

Of the remaining individuals who are not in paid work, 4.3 million people are officially placed in the "No Work Requirements" conditionality regime.

This means that out of the entire 8.4 million caseload, 51% (over half of all claimants) have absolutely no requirement to look for or prepare for a job.

This includes those who have lifelong conditions who will never work and those who actually might recover and will go into paid work, with the required medical interventions and additional support, but not required currently to seek work. People with mental health conditions such as schizophrenia, people with moderate to severe learning disabilities, physically disabled people.

The small remainder of people claiming Universal Credit are those temporarily out of work due to illness, accidents, or previous job loss and those who’ve never worked, but can work.*

Are these figures high? I think so, are they “too” high, given we are an “ageing” population, probably.

However, if we could take the 37% receiving “top ups” out of the equation by ensuring they are paid a “living”wage by their employers and either have access to social housing or “fair” private rents, that would be a substantial saving.

Then give the assistance required to move those who can work, but are currently “deemed” too unwell to work, to move forward into working towards getting sustainable consistent and skilled paid work, that would probably take a least one third off the 4.3 million deemed unable to work currently.

In my view, this has to be done extremely carefully, ensuring any medical assessments are carried out by those qualified, and experts in, the conditions these people have. Currently they could assessed by a medically qualified person in a different field and this just isn’t acceptable.

We need to radically change the approach to our welfare claimants, but in a positive and fair and productive way, not by simply sanctioning their payments. This pushes people towards crime, homelessness and leaves them very vulnerable.

We also need to ensure, without any exceptions, that those who cannot work, through no fault of their own, are properly financed, have suitable warm and comfortable housing and decent food. This doesn’t currently happen in far too many cases.