Taken directly from the IFS report: The Economic Circumstances of Cohorts Born between the 1940s and the 1970s
www.ifs.org.uk/comms/r89.pdf
This report compares and contrasts the economic circumstances of individuals born between the 1940s and the 1970s inclusive. In doing so, it aims to provide a sense of the likely economic position of cohorts currently in the middle of working-age life (roughly the 1960s and 1970s cohorts) as they age, both in absolute terms and relative to their predecessors who are already at or around pensioner ages (roughly the 1940s and 1950s cohorts).
Huge changes in the economy and society over a number of decades mean that individuals born at different times can face radically different economic environments. Due to sustained economic growth in the post-war period, successive birth cohorts have been better off than the last – though, as this report shows, there are several reasons to doubt whether this recent norm continues to apply.
We again see that the norm in recent decades has been for those born later to have significantly higher incomes than their predecessors had at the same age. As discussed above, this reflects the sustained economic growth seen during most of the post-war period. For example, age-30 median income was 20% higher for the 1970s cohort than for the 1960s cohort, 52% higher than for the 1950s cohort and 77% higher than for the 1940s cohort. However, the prolonged period of slow income growth from the early 2000s and the sharp recession of the late 2000s have combined to leave those born in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s with no higher real incomes – if anything, somewhat lower real incomes – than those born 10 years earlier had at the same age. Box 2.1 discusses the inflation measure used to make these long-run real-terms comparisons and verifies, as best we can,
The shapes of the age profiles for different cohorts are indeed sensitive to equivalisation. For example, on an unequivalised basis, median income between ages 30 and 40 for the 1970s cohort was broadly flat, whereas on an equivalised basis it fell markedly, most likely as the result of the arrival of children. In other words, the small increase in (unequivalised) incomes did not keep pace with the higher living costs associated with an increase in household size, and so the standard of living for this cohort as measured by equivalised household income fell. But with or without equivalisation, the 1960s and 1970s cohorts have experienced much less income growth over the past decade (during their 40s and 30s respectively) than their predecessors experienced at the same age. Hence, the closing of the ‘age-adjusted’ income gap between cohorts is not driven by any cohort differences in household formation; it is driven by trends in unequivalised incomes.
Note that, as revealed by a comparison with Figure 2.2, the deterioration in the 1940s cohort’s income relative to the prior cohort at the same age has been less severe than for younger cohorts over the past decade. Median income for the 1940s cohort in their late 60s remains at, or slightly above, median income at the same age for the 1930s cohort. Cribb et al. (2013) made essentially the same point: real incomes were higher for those aged in their 60s and 70s in 2011–12 than for individuals of that age a decade earlier, but the same is not true for younger age groups of adults. Those authors also showed that the same is true
8 See figure 5.7 in Cribb et al. (2013).
9 Browne, Hood and Johnson, 2013; Joyce and Phillips, 2013. 10 See Figure 3.1 in the next chapter.
11 See Figure 3.2 in the next chapter.
www.ifs.org.uk/comms/r89.pdf
Trends in rates of homeownership across cohorts are one of the most striking of all the economic indicators considered in this report. The 1960s and (particularly) the 1970s cohorts are taking longer than their predecessors to get on the housing ladder, and the gap between cohorts has been growing over the last decade as homeownership rates for those born in the 1960s and 1970s have changed little.
We do not find evidence that renters in younger cohorts have been compensating for this by saving more. Those who do own homes appear to own properties of similar relative value to previous cohorts, and the proportion who own outright is no lower than for previous cohorts at the same age. Together, these factors provide tentative evidence that inequality in property wealth may be higher among the 1960s and 1970s cohorts than it was at the same age among those born in the 1940s and 1950
www.ifs.org.uk/comms/r89.pdf
Not really sure how much more one can say Maizie, or how many different way’s this report can confirm that pre 1970 each generation was better off than the previous one. This no longer applies at the same age stage for the 1960’s and 1970’s generations judged in various areas of economic measurement.
You are a selective poster Maizie. I too got my information from the report. You seem to have skipped all the considerable evidence that my interpretation is correct.
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