Annewilko
I do wonder why the only "crook" who seems to being demonised is Mone. As previously mentioned others have benefited greatly, yet not being persuade, by the government or the mass media.
Could this be because she wasn't part of the "elite" but from a working class background? Yes, she was part of the con, seems to be the fall guy though.
Here are a few more of the questionable PPE suppliers from the link I posted this morning.
I don't think that Mone was singled out for any 'class' reasons. She was high profile and her husband was known for questionable business dealings. And a great deal of what they supplied was useless.
There was Ayanda Capital, a London-based asset investment business, registered in Mauritius for tax purposes. They were not, and have never been, a PPE manufacturer. Yet they still got a contract for £252 million to deliver PPE, of which at least £155 million might as well have been ground up and snorted by Michael Gove, because the kit they supplied “will not be used in the NHS”. It didn’t meet basic design requirements.
How did they get the gig? Andrew Mills, advisor to Liz Truss, told the UK government he had secured “exclusive rights to the full production capacity of a large factory in China to produce masks”, and offered to manage the Ayanda contract via his own family business, Prospermill. We have no idea how much Prospermill syphoned off from this deal, because just as the contracts were being agreed, Mills changed the legal status of Prospermill to that rare beast, an “unlimited company”, which meant he would never have to reveal details of his accounts.
We were now ten years into David Cameron’s transparency agenda, but civil servants seemed unwilling to question any of this because – in the words of the head of New Supplier Sourcing – Andrew Mills had “close ties to Department of International Trade, so wouldn’t be a good outcome”.
Ayanda Capital got the contract. Their profits increased 2,600 percent.
Let’s move on to Uniserve, a logistics company, which got a PPE contract worth more than £300 million after accidentally wandering into the VIP lane. They shouldn’t have been there, because they had no history of ever providing PPE; but by one of those amazing coincidences, they did happen to share an address with government minister Julia Lopez.
Uniserve then landed another £104 million contract, this time for storing PPE. You might be thinking that £2 million a month seems a lot of money to store something that didn’t need storing – it needed distributing, because there was an urgent global demand for it. Their profits increased 500 percent.
Pestfix got a contract for £350 million to supply PPE, and apparently the Tories thought this was money well-spent, despite the government’s own documents describing them as a company which “specialises in pest control products” and which had been made dormant in 2018.
Clandeboye Agencies describe themselves on Companies House as trading in the “wholesale of sugar, chocolate and sugar confectionery” – a sweet warehouse. It’s something of a puzzle why this business got given £108 million to provide PPE, seemingly “without advertising or competitive tendering process”.
Medpro was founded by two wealth management consultants working in an offshore tax haven and had a share value of just £2. It had also existed for just 2 days. One of the directors proudly boasted of his years working in “Yacht Management”. Tory peer Michelle Mone might have found it tricky to speak more than once during the two years she’d been claiming fees to attend the House of Lords, but she was pretty mouthy about getting a contract for Medpro. She miraculously recommended them as a PPE supplier five days before the company even existed. And then she went silent again, seemingly incapable of mentioning that both she and her husband were “part of the financial consortium that backed” Medpro. Before her intervention Medpro was worth £2. After, it was handed £200 million to deliver PPE.
Meller Designs, which makes home and beauty products for Marks & Spencer, is run by David Meller, a major Tory donor and director of small-government lobby group Policy Exchange. Meller was fortunate enough to have the phone number of Health Minister Lord Bethell, and put in a call. Bethell then recommended his department deal urgently with the bid for Meller’s business to provide PPE. Meller, the small government lobbyist, saw his business handed a not very small £148 million. He didn’t “win the bid”, because there was no competitive bidding process. He just made a call, and then £148 million was handed over.
You’d be forgiven for thinking this lot wanted small government for the same reason the Mafia wanted a small police force.
Some of the contracts beggar belief. Luxe Lifestyle was handed a £26 million PPE contract despite having no employees and being insolvent. Indica Ventures declared itself “dormant” in January, yet got a £48 million PPE contract in March, and reportedly never delivered a thing. A further £28 million went to a company that made shop furniture, which again, reportedly didn’t deliver any PPE.
Aventis Solutions had assets of just £332. That’s not a typo, it really was worth £332. The collection of bags-for-life in the cupboard under my sink is valued at more than £332. Aventis won a PPE contract worth £18 million.
A million quid went to a shoemaker in Bristol. For PPE. From a cobbler.
Even if those contracts were providing urgently needed PPE – and in many cases, they seemingly weren’t – the price we agreed to pay was often astonishing. Textile importer Jonathan Bennett had connections with the world’s biggest PPE manufacturers in China, who could provide millions of items. He approached the UK government, having agreed a price of £1.70 each for PPE masks. The government instead chose to give the contract to Ayanda Capital, with its close connections to Liz Truss, for £3.10 per mask.
A report from anti-corruption NGO Transparency International found one fifth of UK government contracts awarded in response to the pandemic raised a “red flag” for corruption.