This is an interesting historical paper from academic Jon Agar. I can’t see a date on it it but his reference to New Labour has proposed identity cards first as tools for combating underage drinking, then, as a tool against identity theft, illegal working and benefit fraud (the 'entitlement card'), and, more recently, as a tool against terrorism. effectively dates it.
historyandpolicy.org/policy-papers/papers/identity-cards-in-britain-past-experience-and-policy-implications/
How does what he write there chime with this latest announcement?
Some thoughts.
Reform’s Zia Yusuf repeated describes small boat migrants as “men of fighting age” as if men from disparate countries are forming an insurgent army.
At the recent protest rally organised by Yaxley Lennon, Musk urged people to fight back or die.
Therefore it seems pertinent that British identity card systems have been introduced twice before, between 1915-1919 and 1939-1952.
Agar writes:
The first National Registration was taken during the First World War. The context was a fierce debate raging in the War Cabinet between those ministers willing to consider conscription and those who wanted to continue the policy of voluntarism. The argument turned on knowing the number of men within the population available to fight, and existing statistics were judged to be insufficiently accurate.
On the 29th September 1939, the second National Register was introduced for three specified purposes 'for the duration of the present emergency': co-ordinating national service, national security and the administration of rationing.
One lesson to be drawn from historical experience is that universal registers of personal information are held to be solutions to moral panics, but in operation they are very rarely as effective as their proponents hope.
It seems to me that Starmer has introduced this now in response to the moral panic (from some quarters) over migration.
Agar goes on:
The 1939 Act provided for three administrative applications of the personal data held in the registers (national service, national security and food rationing), but eleven years later thirty-nine government agencies made use of the records. Some of these uses were noted in the last section. Others involved the opening of Post Office Savings Bank accounts, collecting parcels, checking pension claims and routine police inquiries. Theoretically, exceptional disclosure was confined to communication of information relating to serious crime or national security. In practice, requests from government departments and state agencies relating to less serious matters were often granted. Disclosure was powerfully shaped by the culture of discretion that marks the British civil service, and was, of course, entirely free of constraint by data protection laws.
In general, the second identity card system illustrates the phenomenon of 'function creep', where seemingly insignificant further uses are incrementally added until, eventually, the pattern of disclosure and use of personal information is markedly different from that originally declared. Once a universal register was in place, there was a seemingly compelling bureaucratic case for using the information.
The USA keeps a record of party affiliation. Could we end up with that here?
… a technologically-sophisticated card is more likely to be accepted on trust than a very simple card. But since the unfakeable card is unlikely ever to exist, this very trust is problematic: the people and organisations with the means and will to corrupt a … card are precisely the people and organisations it would be most dangerous to trust.
In weighing up the pros and cons of the National Register, the (unnamed) civil servant considered what he or she called the 'totalitarian” argument': 'while it is true that if this country went communist or fascist the National Register would prove a very handy means of finding any individual whom the authorities did not like …
With Reform wanting to deport people with ILTR (who next?), this would be putting a finding tool into their hands. Despite Farage’s claims to be against ID cards (and who can believe what he says from one day to the next?) over half of Reform voters from 2024 are in favour and several well-known Reform names on SM are voicing their support for a scheme.
I would say no to ID cards in case we end up with a fascist government.
Referendum but this time with a wide margin of majority.